sudden removal as foreign minister of Qin Gang, who was given that post by Mr Xi in December. Mr Xi’s supporters might argue that he is injecting new momentum into two of his signature domestic initiatives—an anti-corruption drive and a programme to transform the PLA into a modern fighting force. They might also make the case that he is demonstrating a commendable resistance to favouritism by not shielding protégés.
Still, the suddenness and scale of the upheaval, the lack of any clear explanation and the persistent rumours of further scandal all reflect badly on his leadership, and suggest an unusual degree of turmoil in the corridors of power. The changes at the Rocket Force surprised many experts on the PLA because the service has been a priority for Mr Xi in recent years. “If there is one service that you want to be utterly incorruptible, it would be the one in control of nuclear missiles," says Timothy Heath of the RAND Corporation, an American think-tank.
“Clearly, there’s something going on that has made Xi Jinping uneasy about his fellow elites." Formerly known as the PLA Second Artillery Corps, the Rocket Force was renamed and upgraded in 2015. It became a separate service with equivalent status to the army, navy and air force, a reflection of its growing importance to Mr Xi’s military ambitions. Another signal came in 2018, when its former commander, General Wei Fenghe, was promoted to defence minister.
He was the only person without an army background to have held that post. The Rocket Force now oversees the world’s biggest arsenal of land-based missiles. Among them are hundreds of conventional cruise and ballistic missiles, many of which are designed to target American ships in a potential war over Taiwan.
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