A s Emmanuel Macron sought radically to reform France’s pensions system in 2019, one of his senior lieutenants warned that intense opposition in the streets would cut no ice. “We are not slowing down anything,” said Gilles Le Gendre, the then leader of Mr Macron’s La République En Marche party in the national assembly. “This is the emblematic reform of Macronism.”
In fact, things subsequently slowed down to a complete halt, as Covid forced the proposed changes to be put to one side. But three and a bit years on, it is a case of deja vu. On Tuesday, more than 1.2 million people turned out across France – as rolling public sector strikes were launched in protest at Mr Macron’s plans to raise the retirement age from 62 to 64. A clear majority of the population supported the walkouts, despite the disruption to public transport, schools, local services and other sectors; some polls have estimated that up to 80% of under-65s oppose the president’s proposals.
Mr Macron’s case for raising the minimum retirement age is broadly similar to that made in other countries, such as Britain, where the threshold is being raised to 67. An older population in which more people are living for longer, the president argues, has made current arrangements financially unsustainable.
There is no doubt that French spending on pensions is comparatively generous, taken as a proportion of GDP. But an autumn report by the country’s pensions advisory council found that an annual deficit of €10bn to €12bn was manageable in the context of total expenditure amounting to €340bn. It also predicted a gradual return to breaking even from the mid-2030s, partly as a result of previous waves of reform.
Raising the retirement age is thus a political choice Mr Macron
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