How China’s public views Taiwan’s elections
Lai Ching-te. Mr Lai’s win marks the third presidential term in a row for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which emphasises Taiwan’s separate, democratic identity. Yet since that victory, mainland propaganda outlets have downplayed its significance and played up the DPP’s poor showing in parliamentary elections held the same day.
Chen Binhua, a spokesman for China’s Taiwan Affairs Office, assured the Chinese public that the elections show that the DPP “does not represent mainstream public opinion" in Taiwan. Rather than stoke anger, party media dug up soothing past comments by Mr Xi about the need to woo “patriotic", pro-unification forces on the island. It is unclear how angry China’s public is even ready to be, after years of being told that most Taiwanese are their blood brothers.
When researchers from the South China University of Technology and the National University of Singapore polled Chinese people in nine cities in 2019, they found almost 40% ready to rule out unifying Taiwan with the mainland by force under any circumstances. A paper for the Journal of Contemporary China, published in 2022, records the survey organisers’ surprise that support for keeping force on the table as an option was highest among the well-educated and those knowledgeable about Taiwan. Qi Dongtao, a lead author, suggests that well-informed Chinese may not be war hawks as such, but simply more aware than regular folk that Taiwan is not about to submit peacefully to Beijing.
To sample the post-election mood, Chaguan flew south to Xiamen. The Chinese port city enjoys close economic and cultural ties to Taiwan—and would be on the front line in a war. Serving as a reminder is Hulishan Fortress, whose weathered cannons point at an
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